The death anniversary of BNP’s founder, General Ziaur Rahman was observed recently. It was a time to ponder on what the BNP was in the period when Zia lived and both he and his  party were at the pinnacle of their power and attainments. If objectivity has to be given its due, then most political observers are likely to agree on the point that there is great difference between the BNP of today and what it was like when Zia was around. Of course the BNP could take credit at that time for restoring political pluralism, for trying to achieve a national reconciliation between incorrigibly  opposed social and political forces. Zia was praised by many as trying to be a national reconciler.
The former military man turned politician was also credited for his humility. Never during his lifetime he arrogated a role higher than Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman for himself. In every expression, he admitted repeatedly that Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the supreme figure in our independence movement and that everlasting veneration of countrymen would be deserved by him. Zia was also personally known to be modest in his wants and instincts and  acquired hardly reproach for corrupt ways and deeds in the pecuniary sense.
But the elected governments of the BNP  after the exit of the Ershad regime, particularly the second BNP government, acquired infamy for corruption and mal governance. No wonder that it was toppled for these reasons  by the electorate through an election exercise that followed the end of its tenure.
The corruption of the second BNP government was not restricted to some party stalwarts  only but was noted conspicuously as concentrated  among members of Zia’s family in complete  contrast to the ‘ Mr Clean’ image of Ziaur Rahman in the personal and material sense.
Apart from being tainted by credible allegations of corruption and mal governance, BNP in its second stint in power after Ershad is also remembered for its too close hobnobbing with political forces that worked against the independence of Bangladesh. Not only hobnobbing, a couple of  important ministerial positions in the second BNP government were given to the Jaamat-e-Islam party (which was transparently opposed to the independence of Bangladesh) signifying power sharing between the BNP and the Jaamat.
But there was no need for such affinity because BNP in that period had enough seats to form a government and run it smoothly. Thus, it was more a gesture that BNP was  deliberately loosening its earlier mooring as an organization  dedicated to promoting only the ideals of Bangladesh’s liberation struggle.
This changed BNP, since then, has hardly done anything to indicate that it is dedicated to deep cleanse corruption and to democratize the party itself. Apart from the single minded devotion to regain power for sheer power’s sake --come what may --  and regardless of the costs to the country, its people  and the economy, BNP’s current politics have offered hardly anything for the better. It has singularly failed to inspire the people for its lack of agenda on their behalf. People could not be blamed for seeing BNP’s campaigns mainly as a bid for self-aggrandizement particularly after its unprecedented destructive programmes during the last two years.
Today BNP is identified as a party of misrule that taught it no lessons. Broad sections of  people in the country who are absolutely wedded to the principles of the liberation war,  they see the BNP as a chauvinistic organization dangerously close to Islamist extremists and anti-Bangladesh ideology.
But the present state of the BNP is very undesirable. If we are to retain democracy or a democratic form of governance, we need a major political party like the BNP to play its expected role either as the main opposition party or as one with  prospects of incumbency some day. We cannot afford it to lurch around aimlessly spewing venom and  extremist ideals but nothing worthwhile. BNP would be also expected to give up its partnership with the extremists to rebuild its credentials as a democratic organization pursuing democratic goals earnestly.
Yes, incredible as it may seem now, BNP as a party can experience a  positive rebirth and take the country along to a state of sustainable stability and normalcy which is the deepest yearning of nearly all people in Bangladesh
But for that to happen, BNP must understand that its too obdurate demand of revisiting the caretaker model for holding election will never be accepted by the Awami League. The BNP would be also expected to realize--particularly in the backdrop of its failed strategies so far to unseat this government over the issue-- that futile further attempts to that end will not be good for itself and the country. It will not make itself popular  by failing repeatedly to triumph over the Awami League but making the people and the economy the victims in the process.
BNP’s leadership should realize that they would not be able to bring the people out in great number on the roads for a do or die anti-government movement. Or  extra-constitutional forces will just not step out of their confines like in the seventies to effect a change of government extra-constitutionally.
Under the circumstances, the BNP’s best bet to go to power would be through the constitutionally scheduled elections in 2019. The incumbents in power are not far from nearing the halfway of their tenure. So, the BNP can utilize the remaining not a long period  of  time left to the incumbents to beef up its sinews in all respects. It can organize and canvass its views all over the country to build up further mass support for it in this period.
It can aim to recover from the depletion of the  organizational strengths and networks suffered by it in the course of its hartals and siege programmes  during last year and the present one. After having done all these, it can effectively engage in dialogue with the ruling party about how to hold national elections as per the present provisions of the Constitution but also incorporating some changes in the same through mutual understanding.
Indeed, such an arrangement was a distinct possibility on the eve of the national polls in 2014. Only a too stubborn and vainglorious response from the BNP  on the occasion led to great national waste of time and resources and the present pitiable conditions of the BNP like a spent force. Let us hope the lessons have been learnt well by this now enfeebled major party. Its leaders should now plan their actions prudently with real foresight, not impulsively or just to vent their pent up furies.
If the BNP now changes its stance with 2019 in mind, then certainly temporary stability in all respects will return to the country and ‘all’ will benefit from the same in varying degrees. Not only the BNP  will gain in physical strength from the respite, public esteem for it will also rise from its pacific posture.
BNP’s plan should be to go to elections in 2019 after  squeezing out the best terms and conditions for  their such participation from the incumbents in power. It should be strong enough by that time to assuredly field its polling agents at all polling booths across the country to protest and take instant counter measures against any cheating moves or violence. Under the careful watch of local  and international media and having gone to the elections in the first place with concessions ( for example with key ministries in its hands like the home ministry, as were offered to it in 2014), the BNP would stand a fair chance to engage in the election battle in a reasonably level playing field.
If the elections in 2019 turn out to be really manipulated ones, BNP would then be in a formidable position to resort to agitation politics but this time with the people in great number with it and ready to sacrifice for it which is not the case now.   But for now a soberer BNP leadership tempered by realism, would not lose esteem in people’s  minds if they rethink their earlier decision of forcing the government to give in to their demand for immediate polls.
BNP will have nothing to lose by accepting the ruling party’s decision that national polls would be held only as per the constitutionally mandated date in 2019. This acceptance will only brighten its image as a political force that understands the mood of the people and is patient enough to make its bid for power in the regular or fair and square way without wanting to introduce political uncertainty, violence and other ills to fulfill its political objectives in post haste.
For the remaining part of the tenure of the incumbent government, the BNP  leaders  can devote themselves to putting their own house in order, for rebuilding and strengthening their  organizational networks and building up a strong support base among the people so that by 2019 the BNP  will have been rehabilitated in people’s conception as a political party  deserving of their trust and support or as a credible alternative to the ruling party.
   Yes, such a change of stance may be described by some political quarters as capitulation on the part of the BNP to their political opponents. But practically it only will be a strategic retreat for the BNP to emerge in the longer term with a better face, strengthened capacities in all respects and, more importantly after much positive rehabilitation of its image in the conception of the people. Thus, BNP will have nothing to lose but everything to gain by walking such a walk that would not only give it a fresh lease of life  but also spare the country from the on going fruitless ‘war of attrition’ on two sides with no prospect of its imminent triumph.

The writer is Associate Editor of theindependent. E-mail:   [email protected]/
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