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POST TIME: 19 July, 2018 00:00 00 AM
11th parliamentary elections and Jatiya Party
It is not yet certain whether all major political parties will participate in the 11th parliamentary election. Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has placed forward quite a few demands
G.M. Quader

11th parliamentary elections and Jatiya Party

Some misunderstanding exists regarding the politics of Jatiya Party (JP). Many people feel it lacks transparency, logic or consistency. They say, sometimes its activities and political philosophy project contradictions.  

11th parliamentary election is knocking at the door. It is high time for political parties to take due preparation. Public is curious about the role of JP, as that could be an important decisive factor. But, people are yet to understand what that might be. Even if some action plan is described, many feel, the same does not hold too firmly on rationality or on matters of principal.

It is not yet certain whether all the political parties (significant ones) will participate in the 11th parliamentary election. Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has placed forward quite a few demands like election time government (‘sohayak sarker’, detail of which has not been given as yet) to be formed, parliament to be dissolved before election, election commission (EC) to be reconstituted, etc. They stated that if their demands are not met they would not participate in the election.

On the other hand, the ruling party Bangladesh Awami League (BAL or AL) affirmed in no uncertain terms that the election would be held as per schedule and under the present constitutional provisions, meaning under the existing Prime Minister (PM) and cabinet, keeping the Parliament intact, with the present EC.

JP’s stand as described is to take preparation keeping in view both the options. In case all significant political parties (meaning including BNP) join the election JP will unite with any of the contesting political coalition. But, if election is boycotted by BNP, JP will contest in all the 300 seats of parliament against the ruling AL. In case of choosing first option, most people think JP would be with AL led alliance.

Above two contexts, lead to contradictory circumstances both organizationally and in respect of ideology. In case all parties participate and JP contest election as one of alliance partners, it will have to confine itself within a limited number of constituencies. A big portion of total constituencies will have to be surrendered to other members of the group. Considerable number of capable JP candidates with strong organizational base at constituencies will be deprived of chance. That could lead to frustration and subsequent loss of initiatives among field level leaders/workers and deteriorating support base in those places.

In case BNP does not participate, JP plan to contest in all 300 constituencies, as mentioned earlier. But, under the prevailing condition some doubt whether JP possess the ability to field worthy candidates in all constituencies. They tend to believe JP may face humiliating defeat in many places. This could lead to weakening of JP’s position. In both options JP faces fading of its strength and possibility of subsequent annihilation.

From the obtainable circumstances, it can be assumed that people of the country are divided in two distinct divisions as regards their choice in national election. One portion of public desires to have continuity of present government, the other will opt for change of government.  Both sides will vote accordingly, with utmost enthusiasm, as stakes are considered too high for both sides.

In view of the facts stated above, it is quite likely that national election will be fought between two major rivals AL (present government) and BNP (still considered a viable alternative), if later decides to contest. All the other political parties will have to side with any one of that within framework of alliances. Contesting election individually would be considered unrealistic.  For that, JP cannot avoid uniting with any of the alliance, if BNP comes.  But, JP may bargain for bigger number of seats. They may also bargain to have subsequent local government elections to be contested jointly in line with electoral alliance of national election and obtain nomination of party people. In addition, JP may also press for an understanding among alliance partners to divide and distribute possible positions of profit in government between parties in case alliance can win.

As regards the second option of competing in all the constituencies against AL, logic behind could be, if reminded of the past performance of JP while in power, people may accept it as a viable option for delivering positive change. JP and its chairman Ershad ran the government for almost nine years from early 1982 to end 1990. Many believe, governance was superior in all respect compared to all subsequent governments led alternately by BNP and AL. So, JP may claim, it is capable of providing an alternative administration as per aspiration of people, who desire change. Moreover, JP may compensate its lack of competent candidates by accepting suitable willing candidates from boycotting parties for nomination. Free and fair election in a peaceful environment would be an important pre-requisite in this case. JP could extend full cooperation and continue to work in all possible ways to ensure that.

As has been told earlier, JP has kept two options for taking a final decision. First one is to unite with an election alliance and the second is to contest on its own against the ruling party. If JP becomes a part of ruling alliance, as is thought to be very likely, it would appear to be contradictory to next strategy of contesting against the same. In the first alternative JP will be with people who desire continuity of government and for the second they would seek support of opposing section who aspires to obtain a change in government. These strategies are divergent and may not look acceptable on ground of principle.

JP may start a campaign that it would deliver good governance. As a partner of alliance government it would work to facilitate good governance. In case, it wins election against the ruling party, it would administer better. Deliverance of better management could be applicable for both the options. Forceful reflection on this common issue could assist overcoming the perceived anomaly.

Good governance is achieved by establishing rule of law and by creating a society based on social justice. Only good governance can ensure safety, security and overall peace. ”Change for Peace, JP for Change”, present slogan of the party, can be helpful to decimate the duality.

In the context of present day environment politics is being compared to as high waves of a rough sea. Due to various reasons JP may be considered a vessel having limitations of size and of technical sophistication plying through stormy weather. JP needs to maintain its voyage towards destination. It has to change its course every now and then and move up and down to the rise and fall of impending waves to keep it floating and on course. That is the reason activities of JP show ambiguity and looks inconsistent at times. Reality is whatever actions are being planned or taken has a definite rationale from JPs own perspective, for the sake of its survival and politics.   It can be concluded that strategy being followed by JP as regards 11th parliamentary election has logical basis, considered best under prevailing scenario.                    

        

    The writer is co-chairman of Jatiya Party