From frying pan to fire?

Hefazat did not fulfil this expectation of the people of Bangladesh. At a very critical time in Bangladesh politics, they did not appear as a counter-force against Jamaat's violence

After Jamaat, a new fundamentalist party is gathering strength in Bangladesh. It is known as Hefazat-e-Islam. Their power-base also is a section of mosque and madrasah. It was hoped that Hefazat will be a counter force to Jamaat's violent politics, that they would play the role of Nizam-e-Islam Party of the pre-independence period. Before 71 Nizam-e-Islam Party was not a Wahhabis party and did not follow dictates of political Islam like Jamaat.  Nizam-e-Islam Party also preached for Islamic rule in the country but wanted to follow a peaceful and democratic method. They did not preach violence. That's why in 1954, when all the democratic parties of the-then East Pakistan formed a united front under the leadership of Haque-Bhashani to combat the communal rule of the Muslim league, Nizam-e-Islam Party was accepted by Jukto Front to join in their fight. Nizam-e-Islam Party also joined the ministry of Jukto Front after election victory.

In Bangladesh politics Nizam-e-Islam Party could still survive but they became almost non-existent party, because in 1971 they were also misled by Jamaat and collaborated with the Pakistani invaders. Nizam-e-Islam Party could survive as a peaceful Islamic political party till today, if they did not blunder in 1971. In present Bangladesh Nizam-e-Islam Party, Muslim League and Jamaat are all branded as anti-independence groups. Only Jamaat tried to survive in independent Bangladesh by adopting terrorism as their political weapon and are condemned by the people. Their top leaders were hanged for their crimes against humanity.     In this political situation Hefazat's arrival at the political arena was welcomed by moderate, democratic people also. They thought Hefazat will not follow the violent political Islam and would try to convince people peacefully for Islamic rule in the country there could not be any objection to this Hefazati movement. If the Communist party who preach armed struggle for establishing their rule can operate in a democratic country openly after leaving their old creed and embracing a democratic method then why not the Islamic party who are ready to follow a peaceful method to achieve their goal?
Hefazat did not fulfil this expectation of the people of Bangladesh. At a very critical time in Bangladesh politics, they did not appear as a counter-force against Jamaat's violence in collusion with BNP. When there was a mammoth people's gathering in Dhaka to strengthen the government's hands to punish the war criminals of 71, suddenly Hefazat came out from madrasah and mosque and assembled at the Shapla Chottor (Square) in Dhaka to overthrow the government violently with their medieval 13-points demand. Hasina government tackled this uprising very tactfully. Jamaat's hidden hands to help this uprising was very visible. BNP, even Ershad's Jatiyya Party rushed to offer their support and help this Hefazati uprising. But government made the impossible, possible. 
If at that time Hasina government could not divide these far-right parties, and Jamaat and Hefazat could unite with the other so-called democratic parties it could have created a dangerous threat to the democratic existence of Bangladesh. Hasina government was successful to disperse the huge gathering of Hefazat peacefully from Shapla Chattar and provided a helicopter to its leader to go back to his head-quarter in Chittagong. The government showed a great political skill and the huge gathering melted away within a few hours in the night. It has saved the country and the democracy and its government from a great calamity. This victory also helped the government not only to confront terrorism led by Jamaat and BNP, but also strengthened their hands to suppress Jihadist killing activities later on. 
After the Shapla Chottor incident there was a rumour that government has adopted a policy of indulgence towards Hefazat and that they are getting financial and other patronization. I thought at that time that if this government policy succeeds to tame the ultra-fundamentalist tiger then it is good. In Cuba, when powerful ultra-Catholicism created a challenge against Castro government and Pope of Vatican announced his visit to Cuba to support the anti-government Catholic movement, then Fidel Castro announced that he will himself go to Havana airport to receive the Pope. He also announced many concessions for Catholic churches including revival of the observance of the Christmas day, but he renamed the Christmas-People's Christmas day. If in the present situation of Bangladesh government made a peaceful accord with a section of the Fundamentalists who are not violent like Jamaat and can keep peace in the country that is also a success like Castro. 
But there seems a visible difference between the two government's policies. Castro made peace with the Catholics but did not allow them to demand further concessions. But in Bangladesh Hefazat is encouraged to expand their demands further than expected and now, in my opinion, is becoming a threat like Jamaat day by day. They did not follow a policy of aggression like Jamaat, but they are following a policy of intrusion into the party in power and administration very cleverly, to reach their objectives. There is no difference in objectives between Jamaat and Hefazat. So far Hefazat was successful to communalize the textbooks at primary level. Now they are demanding to remove all the sculptures and memorials of the country including the sculptures to honour our great liberation war. 
The Supreme Court is adorned with a beautiful statue of justice and Hefazat calls it anti-Islamic and wants to remove it. Already their supporters tried to destroy the sculptures made by Rajshahi Art College students. There is a difference between statues, sculptures and memorials. Some statues are made to worship. But the sculptures are made to respect and remember the great heroes and their deeds. Some sculptures remind people about their past history, glory, civilization and heritage. They also represent the glory of humanity. Those who want to destroy it they are the enemy of humanity and the civilization. In Bangladesh also, these people should not get any indulgence but resisted.
Now, a sword of Damocles, is perhaps hanging on the head of the present government. Government may expect that they can keep the ultra-fundamentalists divided and also keep their activities under control. But some people fear, that like Egypt and Turkey, these ultra-rightist forces will creep in the state power structure and one day may threaten the democracy. My warning is that Awami League may think that in the time of general election they will get this group of fundamentalist's votes in their box. But the possibility is, they will not cast their vote in the favour of AL. On the other hand, those secular minded Awami League voters who are the genuine supporters of Awami League, they will not vote for Jamaat or BNP, they may not even  go to the polling booth at all for their frustration with the party. If that happens that will be a great calamity for Awami League, the democracy and the country.

    London, 21 April, Friday 2017

From frying pan to fire?

Hefazat did not fulfil this expectation of the people of Bangladesh. At a very critical time in Bangladesh politics, they did not appear as a counter-force against Jamaats violence

After Jamaat, a new fundamentalist party is gathering strength in Bangladesh. It is known as Hefazat-e-Islam. Their power-base also is a section of mosque and madrasah. It was hoped that Hefazat will be a counter force to Jamaats violent politics, that they would play the role of Nizam-e-Islam Party of the pre-independence period. Before 71 Nizam-e-Islam Party was not a Wahhabis party and did not follow dictates of political Islam like Jamaat. Nizam-e-Islam Party also preached for Islamic rule in the country but wanted to follow a peaceful and democratic method. They did not preach violence. Thats why in 1954, when all the democratic parties of the-then East Pakistan formed a united front under the leadership of Haque-Bhashani to combat the communal rule of the Muslim league, Nizam-e-Islam Party was accepted by Jukto Front to join in their fight. Nizam-e-Islam Party also joined the ministry of Jukto Front after election victory. In Bangladesh politics Nizam-e-Islam Party could still survive but they became almost non-existent party, because in 1971 they were also misled by Jamaat and collaborated with the Pakistani invaders. Nizam-e-Islam Party could survive as a peaceful Islamic political party till today, if they did not blunder in 1971. In present Bangladesh Nizam-e-Islam Party, Muslim League and Jamaat are all branded as anti-independence groups. Only Jamaat tried to survive in independent Bangladesh by adopting terrorism as their political weapon and are condemned by the people. Their top leaders were hanged for their crimes against humanity. In this political situation Hefazats arrival at the political arena was welcomed by moderate, democratic people also. They thought Hefazat will not follow the violent political Islam and would try to convince people peacefully for Islamic rule in the country there could not be any objection to this Hefazati movement. If the Communist party who preach armed struggle for establishing their rule can operate in a democratic country openly after leaving their old creed and embracing a democratic method then why not the Islamic party who are ready to follow a peaceful method to achieve their goal? Hefazat did not fulfil this expectation of the people of Bangladesh. At a very critical time in Bangladesh politics, they did not appear as a counter-force against Jamaats violence in collusion with BNP. When there was a mammoth peoples gathering in Dhaka to strengthen the governments hands to punish the war criminals of 71, suddenly Hefazat came out from madrasah and mosque and assembled at the Shapla Chottor (Square) in Dhaka to overthrow the government violently with their medieval 13-points demand. Hasina government tackled this uprising very tactfully. Jamaats hidden hands to help this uprising was very visible. BNP, even Ershads Jatiyya Party rushed to offer their support and help this Hefazati uprising. But government made the impossible, possible. If at that time Hasina government could not divide these far-right parties, and Jamaat and Hefazat could unite with the other so-called democratic parties it could have created a dangerous threat to the democratic existence of Bangladesh. Hasina government was successful to disperse the huge gathering of Hefazat peacefully from Shapla Chattar and provided a helicopter to its leader to go back to his head-quarter in Chittagong. The government showed a great political skill and the huge gathering melted away within a few hours in the night. It has saved the country and the democracy and its government from a great calamity. This victory also helped the government not only to confront terrorism led by Jamaat and BNP, but also strengthened their hands to suppress Jihadist killing activities later on. After the Shapla Chottor incident there was a rumour that government has adopted a policy of indulgence towards Hefazat and that they are getting financial and other patronization. I thought at that time that if this government policy succeeds to tame the ultra-fundamentalist tiger then it is good. In Cuba, when powerful ultra-Catholicism created a challenge against Castro government and Pope of Vatican announced his visit to Cuba to support the anti-government Catholic movement, then Fidel Castro announced that he will himself go to Havana airport to receive the Pope. He also announced many concessions for Catholic churches including revival of the observance of the Christmas day, but he renamed the Christmas-Peoples Christmas day. If in the present situation of Bangladesh government made a peaceful accord with a section of the Fundamentalists who are not violent like Jamaat and can keep peace in the country that is also a success like Castro. But there seems a visible difference between the two governments policies. Castro made peace with the Catholics but did not allow them to demand further concessions. But in Bangladesh Hefazat is encouraged to expand their demands further than expected and now, in my opinion, is becoming a threat like Jamaat day by day. They did not follow a policy of aggression like Jamaat, but they are following a policy of intrusion into the party in power and administration very cleverly, to reach their objectives. There is no difference in objectives between Jamaat and Hefazat. So far Hefazat was successful to communalize the textbooks at primary level. Now they are demanding to remove all the sculptures and memorials of the country including the sculptures to honour our great liberation war. The Supreme Court is adorned with a beautiful statue of justice and Hefazat calls it anti-Islamic and wants to remove it. Already their supporters tried to destroy the sculptures made by Rajshahi Art College students. There is a difference between statues, sculptures and memorials. Some statues are made to worship. But the sculptures are made to respect and remember the great heroes and their deeds. Some sculptures remind people about their past history, glory, civilization and heritage. They also represent the glory of humanity. Those who want to destroy it they are the enemy of humanity and the civilization. In Bangladesh also, these people should not get any indulgence but resisted. Now, a sword of Damocles, is perhaps hanging on the head of the present government. Government may expect that they can keep the ultra-fundamentalists divided and also keep their activities under control. But some people fear, that like Egypt and Turkey, these ultra-rightist forces will creep in the state power structure and one day may threaten the democracy. My warning is that Awami League may think that in the time of general election they will get this group of fundamentalists votes in their box. But the possibility is, they will not cast their vote in the favour of AL. On the other hand, those secular minded Awami League voters who are the genuine supporters of Awami League, they will not vote for Jamaat or BNP, they may not even go to the polling booth at all for their frustration with the party. If that happens that will be a great calamity for Awami League, the democracy and the country. London, 21 April, Friday 2017