Socio-cultural factors and child marriage are hindrances to fully achieving the SDGs

Women are in a disadvantaged position by being on average almost 10 years younger than their husbands. Among women, solidarity and potential resistance are undermined by an age hierarchy that often allies older women with men in dominant position

Most demographic surveys in Bangladesh consistently report that a large majority of women of reproductive age do not want any more children after the initial few births. Survey findings also show that these women do not practice family planning. These findings are often dismissed on the ground that they do not capture the realities of the situation. It is contended here that they are valid, but also inadequate.
The results truly reflect the individual desires of women but they are inadequate in that they fail to identify the social and cultural constraints which prevent women from translating their desires into practice. All too often, explanations of fertility change concentrate primarily on the dynamic influences of social or economic change, or organised interventions to spread fertility control. Very little attention has been paid to the particular mixture of cultural features that may facilitate or inhibit fertility behaviour.
A clear understanding of the social position of women in Bangladesh appears to be the best possible approach in comprehending the discrepancy between reported desires and behaviour. The concept of female autonomy is more amenable to empirical measurement than the concept of status and is, therefore, adopted for this article. Autonomy indicates the ability -- technical, social and psychological -- to obtain information and to use it as the basis for making decision about one's private concerns and those of one's intimates.
In the agrarian society of Bangladesh, female autonomy is strongly influenced by kinship, family and marriage relationships. The experience has been that it is also greatly influenced by age, religion, the political system and cultural norms and practices, including the division of labour between the sexes.
The kinship structure in Bangladesh is characterized by the principles of village and kin exogamy, relatively close ties between matrilineal related males and control of property by males. Of course, Muslim women in Bangladesh have the legal right to inherit property from parents; in actual practice it is more likely that brothers will get control of women's share of inherited immovable property regardless of the latter's wishes. 
Women are normally not found to own moveable property. According to the custom of a patriarchal society, a newly married woman is brought from her family of birth and placed in her husband's house. The preference for lineage and exogamy attenuates a woman's ties with her family of birth and reduces the possibility that her family will intervene on her behalf after marriage. 
In Bangladesh, as in most agrarian societies, kin relations still constitute for the great majority of people the prime avenue of access to such scarce social resources as information, economic assistance and political support.
An individual's power, influence and social range are closely related to his or her ability to exploit kin linkages. Thus, cultural practices, such as patrilocal marriage, that tend to constrain or erode personal links between a married woman and her natal kin directly diminish a woman's autonomy. 
At the same time, norms of avoidance make it difficult for a woman to establish effective links within the household into which she marries. She is, therefore, left socially almost powerless. Arranged marriages and difference of almost 10 years in age at marriage between bride and bridegroom place a woman in a subordinate position relative to her husband.
Dowry is still a part of marriage in Bangladesh, although it is not an Islamic tradition. The size of dowry demanded usually far exceeds the amount of dowry given, which again puts women at a disadvantage. When a woman from a poor family cannot bring any dowry with her, and has nothing to inherit, she is endowed with neither money nor property that is her alone. This situation further reduces her influence among the members of the husband's family.
Beneath the larger social organisation, there exists in each village an organisational subsystem, called "bari" that regulates the life of groups in the village. It acts as a source of collective security for its members and as a guardian of their mores. Membership of a bari or caste is crucial when individuals are faced with a choice, as in the case of accepting an innovative idea or adopting it in practice. Moreover, it puts a great restraint on female autonomy, particularly the movement of women outside the home.
Difference of age is strictly adhered to in Bangladesh, regardless of class and creed. As mentioned earlier, women are in a disadvantaged position by being on average almost 10 years younger than their husbands. Among women, solidarity and potential resistance are undermined by an age hierarchy that often allies older women with men in dominant positions. The young bride enters her husband's household to find herself under the control and supervision of her mother-in-law. In general, older women dominate younger women -- mothers-in-law dominate daughters-in-law; elder brother's wife dominates younger brother's wife and so on.
The predicament of dependent women that forces them into relative seclusion within their own house compound also denies them access to economic opportunities outside the homestead. In Bangladesh, a division of labour among household members has evolved whereby women specialise in work inside or near the homestead and men specialise in work outside the home (with some exception, such as garment industry). 
This division of labour itself engenders a powerful element of men's control over women, enforcing female dependence on men by denying women direct access to income-earning opportunities. The sexual division of labour applies to all women in the rural areas and the costs, in terms of abuse and loss of status, of engaging in types of work that require movement outside the homestead are often very high.
In societies in which women are excluded from inheritance and mainstream economic activities, parents place a great premium on sons. The preferential treatment of the male child severely retards the personal development of girls and hence affects their autonomy in later life.
Complete dependence of younger women on men and older women, difference in age and lack of access to the outside world make it difficult for them to resist  pronatalistic pressures. Moreover, early marriage increases the risk of pregnancy in the absence of opportunities to regulate their fertility. Females are made to believe that their own wishes and interests are subordinate to those of the family group. They are, therefore, likely to sacrifice their own wishes to regulate fertility, even at the cost of the health hazard of repeated pregnancies. 
Given the situation of relative social isolation faced by newlywed women, there are clear advantages to high fertility. A wife is encouraged to create her own effective social group by producing children, especially sons, as a potential source of security, both economically and socially. The lack of female autonomy contributes to high fertility.
There has not been any major decline in fertility in Bangladesh. The reason appears to be deep-rooted in the structure of society and associated cultural practices. The forces of modernisation, which are gradually gaining momentum, will perhaps help women to gain necessary autonomy to resist pronatalist pressures. Until such time, fertility will tend to decline at a very slow pace in Bangladesh.
Global scenario and the SDGs
Each year 15 million girls are married as children, perpetuating vicious cycles of poverty, inequality and insecurity which fuel and sustain the practice. Child marriage is a truly global problem that cuts across countries, cultures, religions and ethnicities. Child brides can be found in every region around the world, from the Middle East to Latin America, South Asia to Europe. If there is no reduction in child marriage, the global number of women married as children will reach 1.2 billion by 2050.
A lack of attention to child marriage previously hindered the achievement of six of the eight MDGs. Fortunately, we as an international community are learning. The SDGs include target 5.3 ‘Eliminate all harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital mutilations’ (under Goal 5 ‘Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls), and will be up for review at this year’s High Level Political Forum (HLFP) in July, alongside Goals 1, 2, 3, 9, 14 and 17.
Target 5.3 is critical in terms of garnering action and monitoring progress on reducing child marriage globally. But it is also critical to achieving other SDGs related to poverty, health, education, nutrition, food security, economic growth and reduction of inequality – especially gender inequality. Here are four reasons why governments must pay great attention to ending child marriage at this year’s HLPF:
Ending child marriage will help end poverty (Goal 1)
Child marriage is most common in the world’s poorest countries and the poorest households. Girls from poor families are nearly twice as likely to marry before 18 as girls from wealthier families, and girls who marry young are more likely to be poor and remain poor. Once married, their access to education and economic opportunities shrinks, keeping them from building a prosperous future for themselves, their communities and countries.
When women are educated and healthy, they are more productive thereby contributing to greater national productivity and higher GDP. They spend more money on food, housing, education and income-generating activities, all of which reduce poverty levels and promote sustainable development.
Ending child marriage will help to end food insecurity and malnutrition (Goal 2)
Food insecurity and malnutrition can be both causes and consequences of child marriage. Child brides usually experience higher rates of anemia and malnutrition than girls who marry later in life. And babies born to adolescent girls are more likely to have low birth weight, suffer from poor nutritional status, and experience stunting.
Improving the nutrition and food security of these young mothers, for instance with agricultural training to increase crop and animal production, can have lasting positive impacts on the health and well-being of girls and their families. Preventing and responding to child marriage will improve the health and wellbeing of women and children (Goal 3)
Delaying marriage can lead to delayed sexual initiation and first birth, reduced incidence of gender-based violence, increased spacing between births, reduced maternal morbidity, lower HIV infection rates, and fewer maternal and child deaths. Health programming is therefore a critical element to prevent child marriage and strengthen girls’ rights to choose if, when, and whom to marry and engage in sexual activity with, which can enhance their agency and health outcomes.
Ending child marriage will help achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls (Goal 5)
At its root child marriage is perpetuated by structural gender inequality, including unequal power relations, gender norms and stereotypes, and control of female sexuality. Child marriage is a strategic entry point to address gender inequality. The practice affects girls’ rights to health, education, equality, non-discrimination, and to live free from violence and exploitation throughout their lives.
Tackling child marriage is also an entry point to shift the norms and attitudes that perpetuate the marriage of girls, and make sure that the voice and decisions of girls and young women are as valued as those of boys and men.
In a rapidly changing world, uncertainty prevails. What we know for certain is that ending child marriage can achieve a lot: it can reduce poverty, improve nutrition, health and economic growth, and increase prosperity and equality for everyone. What are we waiting for?

The writer is former Head, Department of Medical Sociology Institute of Epidemiology, Disease Control & Research (IEDCR)
Dhaka, Bangladesh

Socio-cultural factors and child marriage are hindrances to fully achieving the SDGs

Women are in a disadvantaged position by being on average almost 10 years younger than their husbands. Among women, solidarity and potential resistance are undermined by an age hierarchy that often allies older women with men in dominant position

Most demographic surveys in Bangladesh consistently report that a large majority of women of reproductive age do not want any more children after the initial few births. Survey findings also show that these women do not practice family planning. These findings are often dismissed on the ground that they do not capture the realities of the situation. It is contended here that they are valid, but also inadequate. The results truly reflect the individual desires of women but they are inadequate in that they fail to identify the social and cultural constraints which prevent women from translating their desires into practice. All too often, explanations of fertility change concentrate primarily on the dynamic influences of social or economic change, or organised interventions to spread fertility control. Very little attention has been paid to the particular mixture of cultural features that may facilitate or inhibit fertility behaviour. A clear understanding of the social position of women in Bangladesh appears to be the best possible approach in comprehending the discrepancy between reported desires and behaviour. The concept of female autonomy is more amenable to empirical measurement than the concept of status and is, therefore, adopted for this article. Autonomy indicates the ability -- technical, social and psychological -- to obtain information and to use it as the basis for making decision about ones private concerns and those of ones intimates. In the agrarian society of Bangladesh, female autonomy is strongly influenced by kinship, family and marriage relationships. The experience has been that it is also greatly influenced by age, religion, the political system and cultural norms and practices, including the division of labour between the sexes. The kinship structure in Bangladesh is characterized by the principles of village and kin exogamy, relatively close ties between matrilineal related males and control of property by males. Of course, Muslim women in Bangladesh have the legal right to inherit property from parents; in actual practice it is more likely that brothers will get control of womens share of inherited immovable property regardless of the latters wishes. Women are normally not found to own moveable property. According to the custom of a patriarchal society, a newly married woman is brought from her family of birth and placed in her husbands house. The preference for lineage and exogamy attenuates a womans ties with her family of birth and reduces the possibility that her family will intervene on her behalf after marriage. In Bangladesh, as in most agrarian societies, kin relations still constitute for the great majority of people the prime avenue of access to such scarce social resources as information, economic assistance and political support. An individuals power, influence and social range are closely related to his or her ability to exploit kin linkages. Thus, cultural practices, such as patrilocal marriage, that tend to constrain or erode personal links between a married woman and her natal kin directly diminish a womans autonomy. At the same time, norms of avoidance make it difficult for a woman to establish effective links within the household into which she marries. She is, therefore, left socially almost powerless. Arranged marriages and difference of almost 10 years in age at marriage between bride and bridegroom place a woman in a subordinate position relative to her husband. Dowry is still a part of marriage in Bangladesh, although it is not an Islamic tradition. The size of dowry demanded usually far exceeds the amount of dowry given, which again puts women at a disadvantage. When a woman from a poor family cannot bring any dowry with her, and has nothing to inherit, she is endowed with neither money nor property that is her alone. This situation further reduces her influence among the members of the husbands family. Beneath the larger social organisation, there exists in each village an organisational subsystem, called bari that regulates the life of groups in the village. It acts as a source of collective security for its members and as a guardian of their mores. Membership of a bari or caste is crucial when individuals are faced with a choice, as in the case of accepting an innovative idea or adopting it in practice. Moreover, it puts a great restraint on female autonomy, particularly the movement of women outside the home. Difference of age is strictly adhered to in Bangladesh, regardless of class and creed. As mentioned earlier, women are in a disadvantaged position by being on average almost 10 years younger than their husbands. Among women, solidarity and potential resistance are undermined by an age hierarchy that often allies older women with men in dominant positions. The young bride enters her husbands household to find herself under the control and supervision of her mother-in-law. In general, older women dominate younger women -- mothers-in-law dominate daughters-in-law; elder brothers wife dominates younger brothers wife and so on. The predicament of dependent women that forces them into relative seclusion within their own house compound also denies them access to economic opportunities outside the homestead. In Bangladesh, a division of labour among household members has evolved whereby women specialise in work inside or near the homestead and men specialise in work outside the home (with some exception, such as garment industry). This division of labour itself engenders a powerful element of mens control over women, enforcing female dependence on men by denying women direct access to income-earning opportunities. The sexual division of labour applies to all women in the rural areas and the costs, in terms of abuse and loss of status, of engaging in types of work that require movement outside the homestead are often very high. In societies in which women are excluded from inheritance and mainstream economic activities, parents place a great premium on sons. The preferential treatment of the male child severely retards the personal development of girls and hence affects their autonomy in later life. Complete dependence of younger women on men and older women, difference in age and lack of access to the outside world make it difficult for them to resist pronatalistic pressures. Moreover, early marriage increases the risk of pregnancy in the absence of opportunities to regulate their fertility. Females are made to believe that their own wishes and interests are subordinate to those of the family group. They are, therefore, likely to sacrifice their own wishes to regulate fertility, even at the cost of the health hazard of repeated pregnancies. Given the situation of relative social isolation faced by newlywed women, there are clear advantages to high fertility. A wife is encouraged to create her own effective social group by producing children, especially sons, as a potential source of security, both economically and socially. The lack of female autonomy contributes to high fertility. There has not been any major decline in fertility in Bangladesh. The reason appears to be deep-rooted in the structure of society and associated cultural practices. The forces of modernisation, which are gradually gaining momentum, will perhaps help women to gain necessary autonomy to resist pronatalist pressures. Until such time, fertility will tend to decline at a very slow pace in Bangladesh. Global scenario and the SDGs Each year 15 million girls are married as children, perpetuating vicious cycles of poverty, inequality and insecurity which fuel and sustain the practice. Child marriage is a truly global problem that cuts across countries, cultures, religions and ethnicities. Child brides can be found in every region around the world, from the Middle East to Latin America, South Asia to Europe. If there is no reduction in child marriage, the global number of women married as children will reach 1.2 billion by 2050. A lack of attention to child marriage previously hindered the achievement of six of the eight MDGs. Fortunately, we as an international community are learning. The SDGs include target 5.3 Eliminate all harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital mutilations (under Goal 5 Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls), and will be up for review at this years High Level Political Forum (HLFP) in July, alongside Goals 1, 2, 3, 9, 14 and 17. Target 5.3 is critical in terms of garnering action and monitoring progress on reducing child marriage globally. But it is also critical to achieving other SDGs related to poverty, health, education, nutrition, food security, economic growth and reduction of inequality especially gender inequality. Here are four reasons why governments must pay great attention to ending child marriage at this years HLPF: Ending child marriage will help end poverty (Goal 1) Child marriage is most common in the worlds poorest countries and the poorest households. Girls from poor families are nearly twice as likely to marry before 18 as girls from wealthier families, and girls who marry young are more likely to be poor and remain poor. Once married, their access to education and economic opportunities shrinks, keeping them from building a prosperous future for themselves, their communities and countries. When women are educated and healthy, they are more productive thereby contributing to greater national productivity and higher GDP. They spend more money on food, housing, education and income-generating activities, all of which reduce poverty levels and promote sustainable development. Ending child marriage will help to end food insecurity and malnutrition (Goal 2) Food insecurity and malnutrition can be both causes and consequences of child marriage. Child brides usually experience higher rates of anemia and malnutrition than girls who marry later in life. And babies born to adolescent girls are more likely to have low birth weight, suffer from poor nutritional status, and experience stunting. Improving the nutrition and food security of these young mothers, for instance with agricultural training to increase crop and animal production, can have lasting positive impacts on the health and well-being of girls and their families. Preventing and responding to child marriage will improve the health and wellbeing of women and children (Goal 3) Delaying marriage can lead to delayed sexual initiation and first birth, reduced incidence of gender-based violence, increased spacing between births, reduced maternal morbidity, lower HIV infection rates, and fewer maternal and child deaths. Health programming is therefore a critical element to prevent child marriage and strengthen girls rights to choose if, when, and whom to marry and engage in sexual activity with, which can enhance their agency and health outcomes. Ending child marriage will help achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls (Goal 5) At its root child marriage is perpetuated by structural gender inequality, including unequal power relations, gender norms and stereotypes, and control of female sexuality. Child marriage is a strategic entry point to address gender inequality. The practice affects girls rights to health, education, equality, non-discrimination, and to live free from violence and exploitation throughout their lives. Tackling child marriage is also an entry point to shift the norms and attitudes that perpetuate the marriage of girls, and make sure that the voice and decisions of girls and young women are as valued as those of boys and men. In a rapidly changing world, uncertainty prevails. What we know for certain is that ending child marriage can achieve a lot: it can reduce poverty, improve nutrition, health and economic growth, and increase prosperity and equality for everyone. What are we waiting for? The writer is former Head, Department of Medical SociologyInstitute of Epidemiology, Disease Control Research (IEDCR) Dhaka, Bangladesh