As Le Pen falters, a young contender inches forward

Fillon has robustly announced, to the consternation of many who are now deserting his camp in droves, that he will fight on despite now knowing he faces charges in what he termed an attempted "political assassination"

The young French tourist was oblivious to the bustle and novelty while walking through arrivals in a Far East airport, clutching a book to his face as if afraid to miss a single word.

Gripping his attention was Revolution: Our battle for France by Emmanuel Macron, the centrist upstart with more than a sporting chance of snatching victory in France’s forthcoming presidential elections.
 Macron typically appeals to young people in good jobs or aspiring to them. No matter that he has never been elected; he served the outgoing socialist president Francois Hollande as an appointed economics minister until deciding he was not a socialist after all. And in the race for the Elysee,  Macron – promoting his own mould-breaking movement, En Marche (Forward) – is a front-runner. Or at least he was.
This election is extraordinary even by the eccentric standards of French public life, and gets more extraordinary almost by the day.
What distinguishes it is not the usual bad-tempered rhetoric but the astonishing fact that two leading contenders, the far-right Marine Le Pen and conventional right Francois Fillon, are mired in suspicion about fictitious jobs arranged for the benefit of family members ( Fillon) or party ( Le Pen).
 Fillon has robustly announced, to the consternation of many who are now deserting his camp in droves, that he will fight on despite now knowing he faces charges in what he termed an attempted "political assassination".  Le Pen could well find herself in a similar position. Both blame the judicial system and, inevitably, the press.
From this unseemly mess,  Macron seemed most likely to profit. He has no such baggage, no obvious stains on his character beyond scurrilous innuendo about his private life that are largely dismissed as fake news. The most plausible outcome of the election seemed to be a Le Pen lead in the first round on April 23 followed by a Macron victory in the run-off two weeks later.
But the astonishing events surrounding  Fillon have completely changed the political landscape. It now see increasingly likely he will end his obstinacy, recognise he simply cannot win and fall belatedly on his sword.
In the absence of  Hollande, who decided not to run again, there see no serious threat from the hopelessly divided socialists.  Macron has at last put flesh on the bones of talk of remodelling society, producing a range of policies, but still suffers from his own inexperience.
Step forward France’s saviour from  Macron’s wetness behind the ears and the anti-Islam, anti-immigration  Le Pen’s perceived extremism: Alain Juppe, the man most commentators expect to take Fillon’s place as candidate of the centre-right Les Republicains.
And why not? Juppe may be 71 and given to occasional tetchiness but he is a former prime minister, an excellent former foreign minister, a man who exudes statesmanlike qualities.
Last week was meant to be a very big one for Marine Le Pen. Delighted with her first ever invitation to meet a foreign head of state, the far-right French presidential candidate travelled to Lebanon hoping to impress her supporters.
It has taken her some three decades in public life to stage such a trip because the majority of world leaders won’t go anywhere near her. The idea was that  Le Pen, a woman largely associated with small-town bigotry, could look like a bona fide stateswoman in talks with Michel Aoun, Lebanon’s president. She could show off her grasp of world affairs, her economic acumen and her skills as a sensitive diplomat. 
True to form, the inexorably xenophobic Front National leader did none of these things at all. Instead, the most notable incident of the outing was a boorish publicity stunt reiterating her venomous hatred of foreigners. For initially unexplained reasons, a woman who never stops ranting about how much she dislikes Arab Musli arranged to go and see Sheikh Abdellatif Deryan, the elderly and very traditional Grand Mufti of Lebanon – and indeed one of the most senior Arab Muslim clerics in the Middle East. 
 Le Pen was reminded of the protocol for such a visit beforehand, but no matter. All she really wanted to do was refuse to put a white silk shawl over her hair, as the Mufti’s aides politely requested on arrival. In response to their highly respectful suggestion,  Le Pen huffed and puffed a bit in front of numerous TV crews and journalists, and then walked off in a theatrical sulk.
As far as the hyperbolic bigots who idolise  Le Pen were concerned, this was electoral gold. 
There she was – the great female figurehead of so-called enlightened secular France putting those backward holy men in their place by playing the martyr in Beirut. Alt-news sites and social media exploded with trolls praising her for "Standing Up to Barbarism" (as many put it). 
In fact, the hair covering was absolutely nothing to do with oppression, or belittling women in any way, let alone "barbarism". There was not even any veil involved, as the propagandists claimed. 
The Grand Mufti was on his home ground – a place  Le Pen had wanted to visit as a guest – and he simply expected her to follow convention. In this sense, he was acting in exactly the same manner as the Pope – another elderly male cleric. Numerous powerful women – from Michelle Obama to Queen Elizabeth II – have covered their heads, or indeed worn a veil, when at the Vatican. 
But, no,  Le Pen was playing up to the Islamophobes – spreading viciousness like only she knows how: not just towards the Lebanese clergy, but towards all Musli worldwide. This includes some six million who live in France and are never quite capable of living up to the standards of French civilisation, according to  Pen and her father Jean-Marie Le Pen, the convicted racist and anti-Semite. 
Which brings us to the second big event of  Le Pen’s week. Last Wednesday, her chief of staff, Catherine Griset, and her bodyguard, Thierry "Gorilla" Légier, were taken into police custody. By the end of the day,  Griset had been charged with abuse of trust. It was all part of a ballooning corruption enquiry which could see  Le Pen jailed for more than ten years. She is suspected of creating fake jobs in the European Parliament for her cronies, so as to bank hundreds of thousands of pounds in taxpayer-funded salaries that should never have been paid out. 

Colin Randall is a former executive editor of a Gulf-based newspaper

Paris magistrates aided by judicial police are compiling evidence connected to offences including embezzlement within an organised gang, and the use of forged documents.  Le Pen was also summoned to be interviewed by detectives alongside her two colleagues last Wednesday, but refused point blank. Such contempt for the rule of law makes her claim to be a champion of France, and the principles that underpin it, sound particularly feeble.
 Le Pen disputes all the fraud allegations, blaming her woes on everything from corrupt judges to fake news journalists. In a particularly bizarre appearance on live TV following the charging of  Griset,  Le Pen actually said that "justice should not be allowed to disturb the presidential campaign". 
She may well have been tired after her long journey back from Lebanon, but for a reactionary rabble-rouser who is trying to reach the Élysée Palace by portraying herself as a populist devoted to law and order, it was clear that  Le Pen’s potentially big week had descended into absolute farce. 

Yet  Juppe, too, has known dark moments. In 2004, he received a suspended jail sentence and temporary exclusion from civic life after another fictitious jobs affair, admittedly one involving no personal gain whereas  Fillon is accused of paying his British wife, Penelope, and two of their sons hundreds of thousands of euros from the public purse for little or no genuine work.
No doubt  Juppe has earned his return to grace. But  Macron may feel entitled, if denied the highest office of the land as a consequence, to feel that in being apparently beyond reproach in conduct past or present, he broke a cardinal sin of French politics. 
It all see to add fresh meaning to an often-used phrase reminding us this is a country that differs from so many others: l’exception francaise.

As Le Pen falters, a young contender inches forward

Fillon has robustly announced, to the consternation of many who are now deserting his camp in droves, that he will fight on despite now knowing he faces charges in what he termed an attempted political assassination

The young French tourist was oblivious to the bustle and novelty while walking through arrivals in a Far East airport, clutching a book to his face as if afraid to miss a single word. Gripping his attention was Revolution: Our battle for France by Emmanuel Macron, the centrist upstart with more than a sporting chance of snatching victory in Frances forthcoming presidential elections. Macron typically appeals to young people in good jobs or aspiring to them. No matter that he has never been elected; he served the outgoing socialist president Francois Hollande as an appointed economics minister until deciding he was not a socialist after all. And in the race for the Elysee, Macron promoting his own mould-breaking movement, En Marche (Forward) is a front-runner. Or at least he was. This election is extraordinary even by the eccentric standards of French public life, and gets more extraordinary almost by the day. What distinguishes it is not the usual bad-tempered rhetoric but the astonishing fact that two leading contenders, the far-right Marine Le Pen and conventional right Francois Fillon, are mired in suspicion about fictitious jobs arranged for the benefit of family members ( Fillon) or party ( Le Pen). Fillon has robustly announced, to the consternation of many who are now deserting his camp in droves, that he will fight on despite now knowing he faces charges in what he termed an attempted political assassination. Le Pen could well find herself in a similar position. Both blame the judicial system and, inevitably, the press. From this unseemly mess, Macron seemed most likely to profit. He has no such baggage, no obvious stains on his character beyond scurrilous innuendo about his private life that are largely dismissed as fake news. The most plausible outcome of the election seemed to be a Le Pen lead in the first round on April 23 followed by a Macron victory in the run-off two weeks later. But the astonishing events surrounding Fillon have completely changed the political landscape. It now see increasingly likely he will end his obstinacy, recognise he simply cannot win and fall belatedly on his sword. In the absence of Hollande, who decided not to run again, there see no serious threat from the hopelessly divided socialists. Macron has at last put flesh on the bones of talk of remodelling society, producing a range of policies, but still suffers from his own inexperience. Step forward Frances saviour from Macrons wetness behind the ears and the anti-Islam, anti-immigration Le Pens perceived extremism: Alain Juppe, the man most commentators expect to take Fillons place as candidate of the centre-right Les Republicains. And why not? Juppe may be 71 and given to occasional tetchiness but he is a former prime minister, an excellent former foreign minister, a man who exudes statesmanlike qualities. Last week was meant to be a very big one for Marine Le Pen. Delighted with her first ever invitation to meet a foreign head of state, the far-right French presidential candidate travelled to Lebanon hoping to impress her supporters. It has taken her some three decades in public life to stage such a trip because the majority of world leaders wont go anywhere near her. The idea was that Le Pen, a woman largely associated with small-town bigotry, could look like a bona fide stateswoman in talks with Michel Aoun, Lebanons president. She could show off her grasp of world affairs, her economic acumen and her skills as a sensitive diplomat. True to form, the inexorably xenophobic Front National leader did none of these things at all. Instead, the most notable incident of the outing was a boorish publicity stunt reiterating her venomous hatred of foreigners. For initially unexplained reasons, a woman who never stops ranting about how much she dislikes Arab Musli arranged to go and see Sheikh Abdellatif Deryan, the elderly and very traditional Grand Mufti of Lebanon and indeed one of the most senior Arab Muslim clerics in the Middle East. Le Pen was reminded of the protocol for such a visit beforehand, but no matter. All she really wanted to do was refuse to put a white silk shawl over her hair, as the Muftis aides politely requested on arrival. In response to their highly respectful suggestion, Le Pen huffed and puffed a bit in front of numerous TV crews and journalists, and then walked off in a theatrical sulk. As far as the hyperbolic bigots who idolise Le Pen were concerned, this was electoral gold. There she was the great female figurehead of so-called enlightened secular France putting those backward holy men in their place by playing the martyr in Beirut. Alt-news sites and social media exploded with trolls praising her for Standing Up to Barbarism (as many put it). In fact, the hair covering was absolutely nothing to do with oppression, or belittling women in any way, let alone barbarism. There was not even any veil involved, as the propagandists claimed. The Grand Mufti was on his home ground a place Le Pen had wanted to visit as a guest and he simply expected her to follow convention. In this sense, he was acting in exactly the same manner as the Pope another elderly male cleric. Numerous powerful women from Michelle Obama to Queen Elizabeth II have covered their heads, or indeed worn a veil, when at the Vatican. But, no, Le Pen was playing up to the Islamophobes spreading viciousness like only she knows how: not just towards the Lebanese clergy, but towards all Musli worldwide. This includes some six million who live in France and are never quite capable of living up to the standards of French civilisation, according to Pen and her father Jean-Marie Le Pen, the convicted racist and anti-Semite. Which brings us to the second big event of Le Pens week. Last Wednesday, her chief of staff, Catherine Griset, and her bodyguard, Thierry Gorilla Lgier, were taken into police custody. By the end of the day, Griset had been charged with abuse of trust. It was all part of a ballooning corruption enquiry which could see Le Pen jailed for more than ten years. She is suspected of creating fake jobs in the European Parliament for her cronies, so as to bank hundreds of thousands of pounds in taxpayer-funded salaries that should never have been paid out. Colin Randall is a former executive editor of a Gulf-based newspaper Paris magistrates aided by judicial police are compiling evidence connected to offences including embezzlement within an organised gang, and the use of forged documents. Le Pen was also summoned to be interviewed by detectives alongside her two colleagues last Wednesday, but refused point blank. Such contempt for the rule of law makes her claim to be a champion of France, and the principles that underpin it, sound particularly feeble. Le Pen disputes all the fraud allegations, blaming her woes on everything from corrupt judges to fake news journalists. In a particularly bizarre appearance on live TV following the charging of Griset, Le Pen actually said that justice should not be allowed to disturb the presidential campaign. She may well have been tired after her long journey back from Lebanon, but for a reactionary rabble-rouser who is trying to reach the lyse Palace by portraying herself as a populist devoted to law and order, it was clear that Le Pens potentially big week had descended into absolute farce. Yet Juppe, too, has known dark moments. In 2004, he received a suspended jail sentence and temporary exclusion from civic life after another fictitious jobs affair, admittedly one involving no personal gain whereas Fillon is accused of paying his British wife, Penelope, and two of their sons hundreds of thousands of euros from the public purse for little or no genuine work. No doubt Juppe has earned his return to grace. But Macron may feel entitled, if denied the highest office of the land as a consequence, to feel that in being apparently beyond reproach in conduct past or present, he broke a cardinal sin of French politics. It all see to add fresh meaning to an often-used phrase reminding us this is a country that differs from so many others: lexception francaise.