Five years after Arab Spring: Arab youth a lost cause?

What the Arab States need is change and restructuring of their haggard political establishments with gradual democratic elements-first to start with grassroots elections

Five years after the Arab Spring, the situation in many countries of the West Asia and North Africa region is far from satisfactory. The global policymakers and Arab statesmen have failed to understand the challenges the Arab youth are facing every day. The West and the Arab rulers —congregating to fight against terrorism and ISIS — are ignoring the socio-economic realities of their own people. This is indirectly contributing to the growth of ISIS. The bottomline is that the Arab rulers have become blind to their own problems

Today, the Arab youth are in need of another revolution, not to overthrow any autocrat or a dictator but to ensure that they have a definite future. Five years after the Arab Spring, the situation in many countries of the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) is far from satisfactory.
With devastating civil wars engulfing the region, the ambitious plans of the youth for democracy and freedom are badly lost. Unfortunately the ugly head of Islamic State (ISIS) has quietly occupied the vacuum created by the absence of stronger political systems almost everywhere in the region from Iraq to Tunisia.
The sacrifice made by Mohammed Bouazizi — a young street vendor who set himself ablaze in late 2010 in Tunisia, unmindful that it will start Arab Spring — has failed to herald a change. It is another story that Bouazizi could never foresee that his action would motivate millions across the Arab world, stretching from Morocco to the Gulf region. As he personified a large section of the young, single and unemployed youth and their numerous problems, his action resonated around the vast Arab world. The aspirations and dreams of the youth, who were mainly the driving force behind the whole Arab Spring, have finally been seen at present as mirages and nightmares, in some instances.
First of all, notably, the Arab Spring had been widely represented by a variety of participants, but the majority of them belonged to the age group between15 and 24 years. Obviously, the middle class and the economic elite took part in the protests but the torchbearers were the youth.
Second, the Arab Spring marred by blood, discontent and uncertainty could hardly restructure the political systems of any of the countries of the WANA region. It was caused mainly by the realisation of the youth in countries like Libya, Egypt, Tunisia, Syria and others that their generation was living in a State which does not recognise their contribution to the nation-building process, and also to a great extent their aspirations are not being fulfilled in the past.
Therefore, the deeply entrenched socio-economic problems that led to the rise of the rebellion will not just disappear with the death or overthrow of dictators like Muammar Gaddafi, Hosni Mubarak, or Ben Ali.
Third, the contagion of the Arab uprising was also motivated by decades of suppression of political freedom of commoners. Probably, long before the waves of globalisation swept the world, the rulers in the WANA region had enjoyed unquestionable loyalty from their populace. Put simply, their subjects in general were basking in the glory of oil wealth and massive subsidies released by the rulers.
These were used as a shield against popular protests and at times, for buying support for the regimes. So there was no question issuing political freedoms or at best bringing the common people to the political platform. Unfortunately the Arab youth fought for these very basic political freedoms, but they were denied the same once again.
Fourth, the overarching socio-cultural, political and economic problems leading to the frustration of the youth were a general concern in almost all over the Arab world. But what had changed the ground reality is that once the military and the secret police started pounding on the innocent and peaceful protesters, many more joined them for the fight against their rulers.
Ultimately, the success, rather the survival of many States in the region, will depend on a coherent strategy to improve standard of education, to promote private sector, to generate employment opportunities and to bring the young Arabs to the mainstream.
Fifth, some Arab observers say the Governments in West Asia must bring an end to the “waithood” that the young people are suffering from for decades. The Arab Spring was nothing more than the demand of the people to fulfil the social contracts made with their autocratic rulers. Thus the revolution across was perceived not only as a political struggle but also an economic and cultural ones which rightly exposes the long-drawn-out fault lines in their societies.
But today, regrettably we can say the first of the social contracts, which the children will one fine day grow up to and contribute back to society and then of course raise their own families, have all broken up; and these all spearheaded the fire of the revolution of the youth. Hence this “waithood” can no longer be tolerated, else, the States brought by the historic Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 will soon be decimated.
Sixth, the 8th Annual ASDA’A Burson-Marstellar ‘Arab Youth Survey 2016’ was conducted by the international polling firm ‘Penn Schoen Berland’ to explore the attitudes among the Arab youth in 16 countries in the WANA region found that an overwhelming majority of young Arabs reject ISIS. Astonishingly, these youths have openly said ISIS will fail in its aim of establishing an Islamic state. Hence, many who believe that ISIS has a huge and powerful spell on the youth are mistaken. It shows that the majority of young people look for more freedom, job security and peace in their homes.
Seventh, the survey demonstrates that the biggest obstacles facing the region are unemployment, lack of democracy, rising living costs and civil unrest. Only 13 per cent of 3,500 youths interviewed agreed with the statement, “If ISIS did not use so much violence, I could see myself supporting it”; 78 per cent rejected it, while 9 per cent were unsure about their position. And finally, majority of them feel the lack of jobs and unemployment as the top reason for anyone joining ISIS.
Eighth, an undercurrent for ISIS across the region reflects that unemployment, marginalisation and lack of opportunities are behind the rising sympathy for ISIS. While political instability, the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq and subsequent crisis in Syria have given a safer ground for ISIS to grow, the frustration developed among the youth has finally attracted a huge chunk of youths to ISIS. Indeed, the recruitment grounds of ISIS were easily available among these youths, because this was the last option left for them to see a future.

The Pioneer

Five years after Arab Spring: Arab youth a lost cause?

What the Arab States need is change and restructuring of their haggard political establishments with gradual democratic elements-first to start with grassroots elections

Five years after the Arab Spring, the situation in many countries of the West Asia and North Africa region is far from satisfactory. The global policymakers and Arab statesmen have failed to understand the challenges the Arab youth are facing every day. The West and the Arab rulers congregating to fight against terrorism and ISIS are ignoring the socio-economic realities of their own people. This is indirectly contributing to the growth of ISIS. The bottomline is that the Arab rulers have become blind to their own problems Today, the Arab youth are in need of another revolution, not to overthrow any autocrat or a dictator but to ensure that they have a definite future. Five years after the Arab Spring, the situation in many countries of the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) is far from satisfactory. With devastating civil wars engulfing the region, the ambitious plans of the youth for democracy and freedom are badly lost. Unfortunately the ugly head of Islamic State (ISIS) has quietly occupied the vacuum created by the absence of stronger political systems almost everywhere in the region from Iraq to Tunisia. The sacrifice made by Mohammed Bouazizi a young street vendor who set himself ablaze in late 2010 in Tunisia, unmindful that it will start Arab Spring has failed to herald a change. It is another story that Bouazizi could never foresee that his action would motivate millions across the Arab world, stretching from Morocco to the Gulf region. As he personified a large section of the young, single and unemployed youth and their numerous problems, his action resonated around the vast Arab world. The aspirations and dreams of the youth, who were mainly the driving force behind the whole Arab Spring, have finally been seen at present as mirages and nightmares, in some instances. First of all, notably, the Arab Spring had been widely represented by a variety of participants, but the majority of them belonged to the age group between15 and 24 years. Obviously, the middle class and the economic elite took part in the protests but the torchbearers were the youth. Second, the Arab Spring marred by blood, discontent and uncertainty could hardly restructure the political systems of any of the countries of the WANA region. It was caused mainly by the realisation of the youth in countries like Libya, Egypt, Tunisia, Syria and others that their generation was living in a State which does not recognise their contribution to the nation-building process, and also to a great extent their aspirations are not being fulfilled in the past. Therefore, the deeply entrenched socio-economic problems that led to the rise of the rebellion will not just disappear with the death or overthrow of dictators like Muammar Gaddafi, Hosni Mubarak, or Ben Ali. Third, the contagion of the Arab uprising was also motivated by decades of suppression of political freedom of commoners. Probably, long before the waves of globalisation swept the world, the rulers in the WANA region had enjoyed unquestionable loyalty from their populace. Put simply, their subjects in general were basking in the glory of oil wealth and massive subsidies released by the rulers. These were used as a shield against popular protests and at times, for buying support for the regimes. So there was no question issuing political freedoms or at best bringing the common people to the political platform. Unfortunately the Arab youth fought for these very basic political freedoms, but they were denied the same once again. Fourth, the overarching socio-cultural, political and economic problems leading to the frustration of the youth were a general concern in almost all over the Arab world. But what had changed the ground reality is that once the military and the secret police started pounding on the innocent and peaceful protesters, many more joined them for the fight against their rulers. Ultimately, the success, rather the survival of many States in the region, will depend on a coherent strategy to improve standard of education, to promote private sector, to generate employment opportunities and to bring the young Arabs to the mainstream. Fifth, some Arab observers say the Governments in West Asia must bring an end to the waithood that the young people are suffering from for decades. The Arab Spring was nothing more than the demand of the people to fulfil the social contracts made with their autocratic rulers. Thus the revolution across was perceived not only as a political struggle but also an economic and cultural ones which rightly exposes the long-drawn-out fault lines in their societies. But today, regrettably we can say the first of the social contracts, which the children will one fine day grow up to and contribute back to society and then of course raise their own families, have all broken up; and these all spearheaded the fire of the revolution of the youth. Hence this waithood can no longer be tolerated, else, the States brought by the historic Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 will soon be decimated. Sixth, the 8th Annual ASDAA Burson-Marstellar Arab Youth Survey 2016 was conducted by the international polling firm Penn Schoen Berland to explore the attitudes among the Arab youth in 16 countries in the WANA region found that an overwhelming majority of young Arabs reject ISIS. Astonishingly, these youths have openly said ISIS will fail in its aim of establishing an Islamic state. Hence, many who believe that ISIS has a huge and powerful spell on the youth are mistaken. It shows that the majority of young people look for more freedom, job security and peace in their homes. Seventh, the survey demonstrates that the biggest obstacles facing the region are unemployment, lack of democracy, rising living costs and civil unrest. Only 13 per cent of 3,500 youths interviewed agreed with the statement, If ISIS did not use so much violence, I could see myself supporting it; 78 per cent rejected it, while 9 per cent were unsure about their position. And finally, majority of them feel the lack of jobs and unemployment as the top reason for anyone joining ISIS. Eighth, an undercurrent for ISIS across the region reflects that unemployment, marginalisation and lack of opportunities are behind the rising sympathy for ISIS. While political instability, the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq and subsequent crisis in Syria have given a safer ground for ISIS to grow, the frustration developed among the youth has finally attracted a huge chunk of youths to ISIS. Indeed, the recruitment grounds of ISIS were easily available among these youths, because this was the last option left for them to see a future. The Pioneer