Is corruption the cause of all that ails Afghanistan?

Corruption does emerge as the root cause of all evils in Afghanistan, and just mildly less so in Pakistan, as well as other countries, predominantly Muslim or otherwise, where insurgencies and/or religious extremism is on the rise

Sarah Chayes, an American journalist who has also held an advisory position on corruption to the International Security Assistance Force, and has independently spent time in Afghanistan, is one of the few foreigners who have tried to empathise with the psycho-social environs that prevail in Afghanistan. It is with this authoritative background that she has recently published her book on Afghanistan, Thieves of State. While her book is akin to a case study, it does extend to other parts of the world. It also expresses her frustration at having been unable to tailor US policies in accordance with her reasoning, which might have led to a far better end-product.
But it is her basic thesis that is fascinating and well worth analysing. Her contention essentially is that rampant corruption is the cause of rising extremism in Afghanistan and by extension, in much of the world.
Chayes begins by quoting the example of one of her Afghan acquaintances who was assaulted by the police for refusing to pay a bribe. The incident was narrated to her by the man’s brother, also a police officer. The narrator was so furious that he said: “If I see someone planting an IED in front of a police vehicle, I will ignore it.”
Such fury might be unusual, but I too have narrated numerous similar incidents in my writings to explain why some Afghans, despite their dislike of the Taliban, were turning to them in increasing numbers because of the prevalent corruption. This was particularly applicable during the Hamid Karzai era, and I too reasoned that Ashraf Ghani would need to address this as a priority if he wished to improve the situation of Afghanistan.
I never considered the connection Chayes made and supports with very forceful reasoning. However, the more I study her reasoning, the more convinced I become that her conclusion is accurate. In all my analyses, and those by any other analyst, corruption has invariably figured high on the list of causes for insurgencies as well as the desire to turn towards extremism in religion, as also has injustice.
After all, what does corruption thrive on? For it to be rampant, injustice must prevail. As a consequence of corruption, not only does distribution of wealth become increasingly unequal, but also the poverty index rises and distribution of resources, facilities, services provided by the public sector, even education becomes increasingly unequal.
And these are precisely the prevailing conditions that induce revolutions of all kind. What else is a revolution, whether invoked for religious reasons or others?
Furthermore, this is precisely the narrative that created Al Qaeda, the Taliban and ISIL. Their argument begins with the assertion that the prevalent government is “un-Islamic”, and that it is so because it fails to deliver the equality that is essential to Islam. And that, therefore, a strict adherence to Islam, which each one of these groups assures it alone can deliver, is the only solution.
Inevitably, there are subsequent additions to this narrative. They reminisce about the Golden era of the Caliphate when Islam flourished because of swift and sure justice, equality and good governance in its broader meaning.
These proponents of religious extremism deliberately fail to mention the rest. The religious tolerance, the emphasis on knowledge and learning in all fields, the music, literature and poetry, the excellence in sciences, the gender equality, and all else that was the essence of that same golden era.
The tragedy is that this does sell. It has sold throughout history, and it has sold among adherents of many religions.
At present, Afghanistan is banking on two factors to resuscitate its economy: its strategic location and its natural resources. Situated at the intersection of the East-West trade corridor it hopes to leverage its strategic position and revive the ancient Silk Route.
The US has already drawn up plans for this in the form of its New Silk Road Initiative (NSRI). So has China, with its proposed Silk Route Economic Belt. Also on the horizon is the transportation of gas from the Caspian region to South Asia through the Tapi (Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India) pipeline and the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-China pipeline. Another energy project envisages the transmission of hydroelectric power to South Asia. Afghanistan and Pakistan have also signed a trade and transit agreement in 2010 allowing for the free movement of goods.
The other element of Afghanistan’s economic architecture is its natural resources. Afghanistan has traditionally been rich in resources such as coal, chromite and marble and has exported gas to Russia since 1967.
Though some studies were undertaken decades ago indicating the presence of vast mineral and hydrocarbon resources, it was not until 2010 that the US announced the discovery of nearly $1 trillion (Dh3.67 tn) in untapped mineral deposits. These reserves included huge veins of iron, copper, cobalt, gold and critical industrial metals such as lithium.
Afghanistan has already attracted considerable investment, with China pledging $2.8 billion for the development of copper mines, and a consortium of Indian companies in partnership with Canadian companies announcing an investment of $14.6 billion for the development of iron ore mines in Hajigak. However these projects are at a standstill due to the precarious security scenario.
The wealth of resources is, however, a double-edged sword that could usher in a vicious cycle of violence. So, while grand in design and exhibiting huge promise, the enterprises are wrought with uncertainties.
While I could take a broader approach and contend that failures of successive governments to provide justice and good governance result in a rise of religious extremism and insurgencies, I must admit that for corruption to prevail, the absence of justice and good governance is an essential prerequisite.
And, by that reasoning alone, corruption does emerge as the root cause of all evil in Afghanistan, and just mildly less so in Pakistan, as well as other countries, predominantly Muslim or otherwise, where insurgencies and/or religious extremism is on the rise. On the lighter side, Chayes goes further. She asserts that those who refer to such countries as “failed states” or “failing states” are in error. The political leaders of such countries have not assumed power to deliver justice or good governance. They have assumed power to loot it.
And, therefore, these countries are successful states. The leaders are delivering what they intended to. I might add that, by this reasoning, these states are not merely successful but highly successful states, since their political leaders are looting them with no fear of repercussions.
Pakistan has begun to clean its Augean stables of corruption. We must succeed. Chayes has convinced me. I wonder if she will convince our political leadership and that of Afghanistan, and other countries as well?

thenational.ae

Is corruption the cause of all that ails Afghanistan?

Corruption does emerge as the root cause of all evils in Afghanistan, and just mildly less so in Pakistan, as well as other countries, predominantly Muslim or otherwise, where insurgencies and/or religious extremism is on the rise

Sarah Chayes, an American journalist who has also held an advisory position on corruption to the International Security Assistance Force, and has independently spent time in Afghanistan, is one of the few foreigners who have tried to empathise with the psycho-social environs that prevail in Afghanistan. It is with this authoritative background that she has recently published her book on Afghanistan, Thieves of State. While her book is akin to a case study, it does extend to other parts of the world. It also expresses her frustration at having been unable to tailor US policies in accordance with her reasoning, which might have led to a far better end-product. But it is her basic thesis that is fascinating and well worth analysing. Her contention essentially is that rampant corruption is the cause of rising extremism in Afghanistan and by extension, in much of the world. Chayes begins by quoting the example of one of her Afghan acquaintances who was assaulted by the police for refusing to pay a bribe. The incident was narrated to her by the mans brother, also a police officer. The narrator was so furious that he said: If I see someone planting an IED in front of a police vehicle, I will ignore it. Such fury might be unusual, but I too have narrated numerous similar incidents in my writings to explain why some Afghans, despite their dislike of the Taliban, were turning to them in increasing numbers because of the prevalent corruption. This was particularly applicable during the Hamid Karzai era, and I too reasoned that Ashraf Ghani would need to address this as a priority if he wished to improve the situation of Afghanistan. I never considered the connection Chayes made and supports with very forceful reasoning. However, the more I study her reasoning, the more convinced I become that her conclusion is accurate. In all my analyses, and those by any other analyst, corruption has invariably figured high on the list of causes for insurgencies as well as the desire to turn towards extremism in religion, as also has injustice. After all, what does corruption thrive on? For it to be rampant, injustice must prevail. As a consequence of corruption, not only does distribution of wealth become increasingly unequal, but also the poverty index rises and distribution of resources, facilities, services provided by the public sector, even education becomes increasingly unequal. And these are precisely the prevailing conditions that induce revolutions of all kind. What else is a revolution, whether invoked for religious reasons or others? Furthermore, this is precisely the narrative that created Al Qaeda, the Taliban and ISIL. Their argument begins with the assertion that the prevalent government is un-Islamic, and that it is so because it fails to deliver the equality that is essential to Islam. And that, therefore, a strict adherence to Islam, which each one of these groups assures it alone can deliver, is the only solution. Inevitably, there are subsequent additions to this narrative. They reminisce about the Golden era of the Caliphate when Islam flourished because of swift and sure justice, equality and good governance in its broader meaning. These proponents of religious extremism deliberately fail to mention the rest. The religious tolerance, the emphasis on knowledge and learning in all fields, the music, literature and poetry, the excellence in sciences, the gender equality, and all else that was the essence of that same golden era. The tragedy is that this does sell. It has sold throughout history, and it has sold among adherents of many religions. At present, Afghanistan is banking on two factors to resuscitate its economy: its strategic location and its natural resources. Situated at the intersection of the East-West trade corridor it hopes to leverage its strategic position and revive the ancient Silk Route. The US has already drawn up plans for this in the form of its New Silk Road Initiative (NSRI). So has China, with its proposed Silk Route Economic Belt. Also on the horizon is the transportation of gas from the Caspian region to South Asia through the Tapi (Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India) pipeline and the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-China pipeline. Another energy project envisages the transmission of hydroelectric power to South Asia. Afghanistan and Pakistan have also signed a trade and transit agreement in 2010 allowing for the free movement of goods. The other element of Afghanistans economic architecture is its natural resources. Afghanistan has traditionally been rich in resources such as coal, chromite and marble and has exported gas to Russia since 1967. Though some studies were undertaken decades ago indicating the presence of vast mineral and hydrocarbon resources, it was not until 2010 that the US announced the discovery of nearly $1 trillion (Dh3.67 tn) in untapped mineral deposits. These reserves included huge veins of iron, copper, cobalt, gold and critical industrial metals such as lithium. Afghanistan has already attracted considerable investment, with China pledging $2.8 billion for the development of copper mines, and a consortium of Indian companies in partnership with Canadian companies announcing an investment of $14.6 billion for the development of iron ore mines in Hajigak. However these projects are at a standstill due to the precarious security scenario. The wealth of resources is, however, a double-edged sword that could usher in a vicious cycle of violence. So, while grand in design and exhibiting huge promise, the enterprises are wrought with uncertainties. While I could take a broader approach and contend that failures of successive governments to provide justice and good governance result in a rise of religious extremism and insurgencies, I must admit that for corruption to prevail, the absence of justice and good governance is an essential prerequisite. And, by that reasoning alone, corruption does emerge as the root cause of all evil in Afghanistan, and just mildly less so in Pakistan, as well as other countries, predominantly Muslim or otherwise, where insurgencies and/or religious extremism is on the rise. On the lighter side, Chayes goes further. She asserts that those who refer to such countries as failed states or failing states are in error. The political leaders of such countries have not assumed power to deliver justice or good governance. They have assumed power to loot it. And, therefore, these countries are successful states. The leaders are delivering what they intended to. I might add that, by this reasoning, these states are not merely successful but highly successful states, since their political leaders are looting them with no fear of repercussions. Pakistan has begun to clean its Augean stables of corruption. We must succeed. Chayes has convinced me. I wonder if she will convince our political leadership and that of Afghanistan, and other countries as well? thenational.ae