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27 September, 2017 00:00 00 AM
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Rohingyas and a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing”

The current Rohingya crisis is nothing new. An estimate suggests that until August 2017, over 400,000 Rohingya refugees had already been living in different refugee camps in Chittagong and Cox’s Bazar
Dr. Md. Nazrul Islam
Rohingyas and a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing”

Perhaps, the most hated person in Bangladesh now is Myanmar’s de facto leader Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Once Mrs. Suu Kyi seemed to be a role model for millions of people, particularly the youths including me across Bangladesh. During our university days in the 1990s, we would frequently hear two names—Nelson Mandela and Mrs. Suu Kyi—for their outstanding role in championing and upholding the ideals of democracy, rule of law, justice and human rights. While Mandela, until his last breath, was committed to these ideals, Mrs. Suu Kyi has grossly deviated. The Myanmar’s current de facto leader Suu Kyi’s terrible silence about the recent ongoing massacre by the security forces on the Rohingyas, an ethnic minority community in Myanmar, what some scholars say “genocide” while the United Nations (UN) calls “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing”, has attracted widespread criticism. Many even question her personality and political will.

Even, some of my friends now repent of their love and admirations once they held for Suu Kyi. It is understandable that Suu Kyi is not an all-powerful person in the social and political landscape and the military industrial complex in Myanmar. People, at least who are acquainted with the Myanmar’s recent political history, understand that Suu Kyi can hardly exert any effective control over her country’s powerful military. In addition, the deep sociocultural prejudices and stereotypes against an ethnicity developed in the country over the years also cannot be uprooted overnight. These all are sociopolitical and cultural realities. However, taking all these realities into account, it is still suggested that the astonishing silence from a leader of her stature, Suu Kyi, cannot be justified. What is Suu Kyi’s fear about? Power and politics? Branding of a traitor by her people? Or the price of her life? What is left for her to gain? These all are insignificant compared to her achievements she has already made across the globe.

This article does not offer an examination of the history and the plight of the Rohingyas. Rather, it presents how the Bangladeshis perceive about the ongoing persecution of the Rohingyas by the Myanmar’s authority and the security forces. These perceptions are drawn mainly from the mainstream Bangladeshi newspapers as well as the author’s informal conversations and contacts with different stakeholders including academics, politicians, journalists, students and the normal citizens in Bangladesh. The social media including the Facebook has also been a good source in extracting these perceptions.

The current Rohingya crisis is nothing new. An estimate suggests that until August 2017, over 400,000 Rohingya refugees had already been living in different refugee camps in Chittagong and Cox’s Bazar, the two southern districts and adjacent areas of Bangladesh close to Myanmar. Following the military crackdown on the innocent Rohingyas in Rakhine state in the western Myanmar in the late August 2017, around 400,000 Rohingyas further crossed the Naf River and took shelter in Bangladesh’s territory. What is significant is that, according to the Myanmar’s official statement, ARSA (Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army), a Rohingya militant outfit, earlier attacked several security forces outposts which left almost a dozen security personnel dead and several injured. This incident provoked the security forces and the local Buddhist extremists who use to treat the Rohingyas as enemies and outsiders. The military, with the help of the local Buddhists, brutally and indiscriminately killed several thousand Rohingyas including women, children and elderly people. They tortured and raped the Rohingya women and carried out arson attacks on the Rohingyas’ houses which completely burned down to the ground. To escape persecution, the Rohingyas who were still alive set out for the border to enter Bangladesh. The security forces also set land mines into the border areas in order for “overkilling” these victims. Many victims including women and children drowned to death while they were crossing the Naf. The survivors who are now living in the open sky in Bangladesh tell the horrors they witnessed and experienced. Although the Myanmar’s security forces constantly denied of these crimes against humanity, the international media reports clearly reveal that the authority’s denial is just another example of what a repressive military typically engages in. For the sake of argument, ARSA’s terrorism cannot justify the genocide of the innocent Rohingyas carried out by the military. Does every member of the Rohingyas represent ARSA? Are there not any other militant outfits in other ethnic communities? Does the military treat them equally so as to the Rohingyas? What are the offences of the innocent men, women and children of the Rohingya community who, may be, even have not heard the name of ARSA, let alone its objects and goals. The people with objective and independent mindset especially inside Myanmar should ponder over these questions. Furthermore, why has such a militant outfit like ARSA grown? The Myanmar’s authority including the military must think of it. The international community and organizations would never support the authority’s current project of ethnic cleansing of the Rohingyas.

This would not result in any positive outcomes for Myanmar, rather would massively retard the country’s progress and development. Over the years, the lives of the Rohingyas, due to their statelessness, have been severely threatened by poverty, non-access to education and healthcare and malnutrition, lack of political participation, and, above all, lack of human rights and absence of any hope for future. These evils have increasingly pushed them into marginalization which may force them into radicalization. The Myanmar’s authority should not force the Rohingyas into religious or ethnic or any other types of radicalization. Bangladesh is a small country (one-fifth of Myanmar’s size) in geography with a vast population (three times of Myanmar’s population). Economically, the country is also not advanced. It seems impossible for Bangladesh to accommodate and manage the vast number of refugees (currently one million plus) for long time. Still, Bangladesh opened its border to welcome the Rohingya refugees. The Bangladeshi people have experienced the refugees’ plight. In 1971, during Bangladesh’s liberation war with Pakistan, around ten million Bangladeshis took shelter in India as refugees. The people of Bangladesh experienced a worst genocide in the hands of the Pakistani military in the twentieth century. This historical cruel experience has placed Bangladesh into a moral obligation to respond to the persecuted Rohingyas with a more humanitarian approach.

The Muslim religious identity of the Rohingyas also seems to have worked out in this case. There seemed a growing pressure upon the Bangladesh’s government from its citizens to give shelter to the innocent Rohingyas. The majority of the Bangladeshi Muslims perceive that the Rohingyas have been persecuted due only to their Muslim identity, while the minority views suggest that they are the victims of international geo-politics and global capitalism. Whatever the case is, the Rohingyas are first and foremost human beings albeit they are, right now, the most oppressed and friendless people in the world. It is very likely that tensions have erupted between the two neighboring countries—Bangladesh and Myanmar—over the Rohingya issue. Still, both sides should refrain from engaging in any devastating plans and actions. This human disaster needs to be resolved through political and diplomatic endeavors. The international community including the UN should urgently play sincere and effective role in overcoming the disaster. The Annan Commission’s report can be a better way forward. Most importantly, the resolution lies in granting citizenship to the Rohingyas and bringing the Rohingya refugees back to their land—Myanmar. Aung San Suu Kyi should break her silence and come forward to stand by rule of law and justice. We understand her limitations. Still, we want her to perform a bold and courageous role at this hour. Otherwise, her silence will further aggravate the situation.

Suu Kyi’s biographer Hasday informs us that Suu Kyi lost her father (Aung San, assassinated in 1947) when she was just 2. At 7, she lost one of her elder brothers who was very close to her, played with her. He accidentally drowned to death at his early age. Suu Kyi was so sad that she narrates, “His death was a tremendous loss for me. At that time I felt enormous grief” (Judy L. Hasday, Aung San Suu Kyi, Chelsea House Publishers, New York, 2007, p. 40). Mrs. Suu Kyi, you would play with your brother, love your brother and when you lost him, you felt enormous grief. But, what about the Rohingya children? They also love one another.

They also play with one another. Like you, they also have their own sisters whom they play with. Like you, they also feel enormous grief, when they lose their brothers/sisters. You did realize the pains of losing your brother who drowned accidentally, don't you realize the pains of losing the brothers/sisters of the innocent Rohingyas who are mercilessly killed by your people with your connivance under your authority, who drowned in the Naf, not accidentally but for the terror of your fellow brothers? What is the offence of these children? Please answer! What do you fear about? Your people? Your power? Your position? Or your life? These are nothing for you as you already transcended all these. You fear backlash from your extremist people? May be, one day the progeny of these people will hold you responsible for not acting timely, for not standing for truth, justice, and the oppressed humanity. Who knows what happens next?  

The writer is Professor of Political Studies Shahjalal University of Science and Technology

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Published by the Editor on behalf of Independent Publications Limited at Media Printers, 446/H, Tejgaon I/A, Dhaka-1215.
Editorial, News & Commercial Offices : Beximco Media Complex, 149-150 Tejgaon I/A, Dhaka-1208, Bangladesh. GPO Box No. 934, Dhaka-1000.

Editor : M. Shamsur Rahman
Published by the Editor on behalf of Independent Publications Limited at Media Printers, 446/H, Tejgaon I/A, Dhaka-1215.
Editorial, News & Commercial Offices : Beximco Media Complex, 149-150 Tejgaon I/A, Dhaka-1208, Bangladesh. GPO Box No. 934, Dhaka-1000.

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